Bilad al Qadeem in 1908 - A Brief History Of A Bahraini Village

The Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia (abbreviated Lorimer, after its author) is one of the more remarkable by-products of British colonial intelligence-gathering. I've already spoken about it in great detail in prior posts but would like to re-emphasise the importance to historians (and amateur history geeks) that this document presents. It showcases a Domesday book (much like that of the Normans) written from a colonial British point of view of much of the Arabian peninsula, highlighting histories (finished in 1915) and major/minor geographical settlements  (finished in 1908) from the then-large towns of Manama and Muharraq to small hamlets spread across the plains of Arabia.

As you can imagine, I will delve into a series of posts about the entries of Bahrain's villages in the Gazetteer to appreciate an idea or snapshot of what the Bahrain of 1908 really looked like back then & in turn help understand the history of Bahrain. I will start with Bilad al Qadeem because it's literally the oldest and I feel that maybe we owe it that much.

Bilad al Qadeem

A large scattered village on Bahrain Island about 1.5 miles southwest of Manama fort. It consists of 350 mud & red huts, along with the ruins of many well-built houses. 

There is a south-western suburb called Bilad-al-Rafi (بلاد الرفيع) and the ground on the northwest side of the village, called Suq-al-Khamis (سوق الخميس), is the scene of a largely attended market which is held every Thursday throughout the year. 

About half a mile west of the existing habitations are the ruins of the Madrasah Abu Zeidan (مدرسة ابو زيدان) mosque*, with two slender and not inelegant minarets, 70 feet high, still standing; in combination with Jebel Dukhan, these minarets form the leading mark for vessels entering Manamah harbour. 

The Khamis Mosque (likely the Abu Zeidan too)

In the midst of the ruined part of the village is the Abu Zaidan spring, over which is built a modern Shia'h mosque, its beautifully clear waters fill a tank to which all the notabilities of Bahrain resort for hot bathing in the hot weather. 

The people of Bilad-al-Qadim are Baharnah who gain a livelihood as pearl merchants, cultivators and tailors. Livestock include 21 donkeys and 7 cattle. Date palms are estimated at 11,500 trees, and there are some figs, almonds and pomegranates. The rose and jessamine grow. 

*The Abu Zeidan mosque is very likely referring to the Khamis Mosque.

QDL: Lorimer page 298-9 

If you would like to read more about the history of Bilad al Qadeem (which is now a suburb of Manama, the capital city of Bahrain), the Wikipedia page is a great place to start.

This sketch map of Bahrain in 1936 shows the 'minarets' (centre), believed to stand for the minarets of the Abu Zeidan mosque of Bilad al Qadeem, which guided naval vessels to Manama port (QDL)

A History of Archaeology in Bahrain

It was a cool winter morning in 1878 when a young British officer by the name of Edward Law Durand (5 June 1845 - 1 July 1920) swept ashore onto the island of Muharraq in Bahrain. Sent by the British Political Residency to conduct an archaeological survey (funded by the British Museum) of the island, his report of the burial mounds was the first archaeological study conducted in the country and in the Gulf since the time of Alexander (or Rome even).

Sketch of a mound from Durand's report (via Qatar Digital Library)

It was on this occasion that he thus became the first European writer to comment on the Bronze Age burial-mounds there, and had the fortune to discover a cuneiform inscription (named the Durand Stone) which he brought back to his family home in Scotland but which was later moved to London where it is believed to have been destroyed during the Blitz.

Durand's Stone is important as it contained Old Babylonian inscriptions. Only when translated by Sir Henry Rawlinson (the forefront scholar in Mesopotamian affairs) did its content become known; it spoke of a devout servant of Dilmun divinity. This quintessentially cemented the Dilmun-Bahrain hypothesis, wherein it is believed Bahrain is the location of the fabled land of Dilmun.

First, a biography of the man;

One of three sons of Sir Henry Marion Durand (1812-1871), who had served with distinction in the First Afghan War and the Indian Mutiny. Educated at Bath, Repton and Guildford; entered the 96th Regiment of Foot in 1865 but transferred to the Indian Political Service in 1868 and in 1870 was selected as ADC and Private Secretary to the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab. From 1871-77 he filled various posts in Rajputana and Central India, before briefly serving as Acting Political Agent in Manipur in 1877. In the following year (1878) he was appointed Acting Assistant Resident in Bushire [during which he was sent to Bahrain]. In 1881 Durand was placed in charge of the former Amir of Kabul and from 1884-86 he was Assistant Commissioner for the Afghan Boundary Commission. In 1888 he was appointed Resident in Nepal , where he served from 1889 until his retirement in 1893. He was author of 'Cyrus the Great King' (verse; London 1906), and 'Rifle, Rod, and Spear in the East' (London 1911). He died in London.

                                                                                               - The British Museum

Durand's report on the island (completed in 1879) was forwarded by Ross to A.C. Lyall, then Secretary of the Government of India's Foreign Department, and was later published in 1880 in the 'Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society' (New Series) vol. XII (Part II), pp. 189-227, where it was entitled "Extracts from Report on the Islands and Antiquities of Bahrain" (reproduced with an introduction by Michael Rice in 'Dilmun Discovered: the early years of archaeology in Bahrain', London/New York: Longman 1984, pp. 9-36).

Durand, being a fervent watercolour enthusiast, was said to have painted hundreds of watercolours of Bahrain. Unfortunately, they have been lost to history (although his watercolours from his time in India and Afghanistan exist)

Fortunately, the lovely people at the Qatar Digital Library digitised and uploaded Durand's report, so you may browse it at your leisure. I recommend you go through it, it contains rather vivid descriptions of an island long gone. I'll conclude with Durand's eloquent description of dawn after a particularly sleepless night.

References:

• 'NOTES ON THE ISLANDS OF BAHRAIN AND ANTIQUITIES BY CAPTAIN E. L. DURAND, 1 ASSISTANT RESIDENT, PERSIAN GULF.' [‎31r] (24/32), British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers, IOR/L/PS/18/B95, in Qatar Digital Library [accessed 16 August 2015]  
• The Archaeology of the Arabian Gulf by Michael Rice

The Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia

The Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia (nicknamed Lorimer) [2] is a two-volume encyclopedia compiled by John Gordon Lorimer. Published in secrecy by the British Raj government in 1908 and 1915, it served as a handbook for British diplomats in the Arabian Peninsula and Persia.[1]    

Declassified in 1955 under the fifty-year rule, it was widely praised for its extensive details of the region's history and geography.[2] It is considered to be "the most important single source of historical material on the Gulf States and Saudi Arabia" from the 17th to early 20th century.

History:

At the turn of the 20th century, the British empire sought to solidify its links to British-controlled India which in turn resulted in a greater interest in the Persian Gulf region, culminating in the visit of the Viceroy of India Lord Curzon to the Gulf in 1903. [1] To ensure that British agents in the region were adequately informed and prepared to strengthen their influence in the region, a convenient and portable handbook was needed. [3] 

The British Raj commissioned John Gordon Lorimer, a member of the Indian Civil Service serving in the North-West Frontier Province, to compile such a document in November 1903. Initially given six months to complete the task, Lorimer repeatedly insisted on being granted more time to ensure the work was completed thoroughly. Placed under special duty and with a team of researchers, over the next 10 years, data was collated from government archives in Calcutta and Bombay, and from multiple field expeditions to the Gulf.

The Gazatteer itself:

The gazetteer is a 5000 page document divided into two volumes; the first details the region's history and the second details its geography.[1] The geography portion of the gazetteer was completed first and was published in 1908. The history portion of the gazetteer was only completed and published in 1915, a year after Lorimer himself died in a shooting accident. 

History:

Entitled 'History, geography and geneaology', the volume was split off into three sections which were divided by ethnicity. Section 1 (the Arab section) was dedicated to the history of the Persian Gulf, central Arabia and Ottoman Iraq. Section 2 (the Persian section) regarded the history of Persia with particular interest to the predominately-Arab populated region of Arabistan. Section 3 consisted of 19 genealogical trees of the ruling families in the region. [4] 

Its research was compiled from Lorimer's own notes and colleagues such as J.A. Saldanha and C.H. Gabriel and covered various periods ranging the 17th to 20th centuries. [1] 

Geography:

Entitled the 'Geographical and Statistical' section, it is a 2000 page document and lists an extensive alphabetical arrangement of tribes, towns and villages across the region, divided into different countries.[4] 

This data was obtained through field trips and surveys conducted by Lorimer and his team.[1] Also in the volume are 56 reproduced images of the region taken from colonial records and two maps showing the distribution of pearling sites and the overall political geography.

Legacy:

Map of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia, compiled by Hunter  (IOR/L/PS/20/C91/6, f. 1r)

 Classified for official use only, it was published in secrecy in 1908 and 1915 respectively with only dozens of copies in circulation. As such, there was no public awareness of the existence of such a document. Consequently, Lorimer's obituary makes no mention of his extensive encyclopedia.[2] Only when declassified in 1955 was he officially credited. [5]  

In 1971, The Times Literary Supplement praised the document, regarding its historical coverage as "stupendous" and its geographical section as "without modern substitute". The gazetteer, relying on British sources and written from a British viewpoint, is regarded as a valuable resource in researching the history of the Gulf. [1]  

The gazetteer in its entirety was digitised and uploaded online by the Qatar Digital Library in January 2015.[5]

Further reading and references:

"Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia". Cambridge Archive Editions

Lowe, Daniel A. "‘Persian Gulf Tragedy’: the Death and Legacy of John Gordon Lorimer". Qatar Digital Library. Retrieved 10 August 2015. 

Leech, Nick (7 January 2012). "A reference book for every historian to rely on". The National. 

Lowe, Daniel. "Colonial Knowledge: Lorimer’s Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia". Qatar Digital Library. Retrieved 10 August 2015.

 Lowe, Daniel (6 December 2014). "The diplomat’s portable handbook (wheelbarrow required)". BBC News. Retrieved 10 August 2015. 

Author's note: the above was previously posted onto Wikipedia first. 

The Treaty that Outlawed Slavery in the Gulf

Officially known as the General Treaty for the Cessation of Plunder and Piracy by Land and Sea, this treaty was initially signed between the British government (represented by the British India government) and  the rulers of Abu Dhabi, Sharjah, Ajman and Umm al-Quwain on the 11th of January 1820. Bahrain later signed the treaty in February. This treaty is significant due to the simple fact it effectively outlawed piracy and slavery in the Gulf, whilst also requiring seaworthy ships to be registered with the British.

This was part of a greater strategy employed by the British to exclude European powers (especially the ever-threatening Russian Empire) from exerting influence in the Middle East and disrupting communication lines with British-controlled India.

Thanks to the wonderful people at the Qatar Digital Library who have digitised more than 500,000 scans & documents from the archives of the India Office records and many more; we are able to see a transcript of the actual document signed below. Wikisource also has a transcribed copy.

Page 1, from the Qatar Digital Library

Page 2, from the Qatar Digital Library

• A Collection of Treaties and Engagements relating to the Persian Gulf Shaikhdoms and the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman in force up to the End of 1953' [‎19v] (40/92), British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers, IOR/R/15/1/738, in Qatar Digital Library <http://www.qdl.qa/en/archive/81055/vdc_100023550810.0x000029> [accessed 27 June 2015]

A History of Contemporary Theatre in Bahrain

Below I'm reposting the Wikipedia article I've written:

The history of the theatre in Bahrain is one example of the modernisation that swept Bahrain in the 20th century, as a result of the British-backed reforms.  Contemporary Bahraini theatre, in its present form, originated in the early 20th century, resulting from the introduction of formal education in the country.
Traditionally, shadow plays and puppet shows were widespread forms of entertainment in Bahrain. The European-style drama plays were first introduced in schools and plays written by Arab dramatists would be later included in the school curriculum.

As civil society became more interested in theatre and influenced by the likes of Tawfiq al-Hakim and Saadallah Wannous, Bahrain experienced a golden age by the 1970s of playwrights such as Ali Al Shargawi, Ebrahim Al-Arrayedh, Aqil Sawar and Yousef al-Hamdan. The country hosts three notable theatre companies; Awal Theatre, Al-Jazira Theatre and the Al-Sawari Theatre companies

History 

Archaeological excavation of sites dating back to the Dilmun civilisation of the Bronze Age in Bahrain have revealed the existence of a ritualistic polytheistic religion that was believed to contain elements of theatre. However, limited information is known about it. In the 7th century AD, Bahrain converted to Islam. Islam did not encourage human representation or drama; however, the events of Ashura inspired a form of dramatic expression called Ta'zieh (Arabic: تعزية‎). These dramatic re-enactments occur during the Islamic month of Muharram and commemorates the Battle of Karbala where the grandson of the Prophet Muhammed, Imam Hussain, and his companions were killed. Furthermore, there exists two related forms of drama in the Islamic world; Maqama and shadow plays.

Aside from this, other forms of performance art in Bahrain included puppet theatres and shadow plays, which were popular between the Middle Ages up to the 18th century. European drama plays were first brought to the Arab world as a result of the Napoleonic invasion of Egypt in 1798, eventually reaching the island nation of Bahrain.

20th Century

Drama in the Arab States of the Persian Gulf was pioneered by Kuwait and Bahrain in the early 20th century.^[4] The first recorded theatre production was A Judge from God's Will (Arabic: القاضي بأمر الله‎) which was performed in 1925 at the Hidaya Al-Khalifa Boys School in Muharraq.^[5] As a result of the formal education system in place in Bahrain, plays written by European playwrights, Arab and eventually Bahraini dramatists were staged by students and teachers in school. Religious, moralist and historical plays were primarily written by Syrian and Egyptian writers and performed at school. The earliest credited pioneers of Bahraini theatre were the two poets Ebrahim Al-Arrayedh and Abdulrahman Almoawda, whose plays in the 1950s were primarily based on historic figures and events in Islamic Arab history.^[2] Influenced by the likes of Egyptian playwright Ahmed Shawqi, both writers authored a combined ten plays, with Almoawda basing his plays on historical characters in Arab history such as Al-Ala'a Al-Hadrami.

In the 1940s, literary societies began expressing interest in amateur theatre, eventually culminating in the establishment of multiple theatre companies and a generation of Bahraini playwrights by the 1970s. Most plays were translated from English such as Shakespeare, with the later introduction of Arabic plays from Egypt and Syria. Eventually, a home-grown dramatic movement was born in the 1970s. Notable writers from this time include:

• Ali Al Shargawi (born 1948), who primarily produced children's plays,.
• Aqil Sawar (born 1946), who was a realistic author and playwright of Al-Nawkhidha (1985) and Al Baraha (1990),
• Yousef al-Hamdan (born 1956) was an experimental dramatist and respected academic critic, who published his memoirs Al-Jathoum in 1990.
• Amin Salah (born 1949) was a novelist and later-turned dramatist who gained recognition after rewriting Romeo and Juliet, titled Romeo al-Fareeg in 1988. Other works were satire of current events such as Al-Jutah on capitalism.

Censorship was a common obstacle for playwrights; any content deemed politically motivated was subject to censorship by the Bahraini government, making it difficult to highlight seemingly apolitical social problems in plays.

Companies

Traditionally, there have been three notable non-profit theatre companies operating in Bahrain. They receive subsidies from the Bahraini government.

 Awal Theatre

Established in 1970, it is the oldest theatre company in the country and the first to be formed independent of any civil society or club. Headquartered in the city of Muharraq, its performances were mainly carried out in the nearby capital city, Manama. Relying on government subsidies, the Awal Theatre company promoted local playwright talents and actors. Its first play was Kursi Ateeq in 1970, an original play written by Mohammed Awad. Since then, the company had performed regional Arab as well as international plays

Al Jazira Theatre

Established in 1971 as an extension of the Al Jazira club and included former Awal Theatre members, its members were semi-professionals and frequently trained in the higher institutes of dramatic arts in Kuwait. Both Awal and Al Jazira theatre companies performed seasonally in Bahrain and toured in drama festivals across the Arab World.

 Al Sawari Theatre

Founded by Abdullah al Sawari in 1991, the company primarily focuses on experimental theatre, adapting Asian elements of theatre such as Kathakali from India and Kabuki from Japan<sup>.

Reference:</sup>

• Rubin, Don (1999). The World Encyclopedia of Contemporary Theatre: The Arab world. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9780415059282. Retrieved 5 June 2015.

Eradicating Illiteracy in Bahrain - A Short History of Education

The United Nation defines illiteracy as the inability to read or write. It is estimated that more than 780 million adults are illiterate (17% of the world's population) two-thirds of whom are women. Additionally, an estimated 122 million youths (60% of whom are women) can neither read or write. In response, UNESCO launched (amongst other numerous programs) the Education For All program in 1990, which is a global education movement with the aim of meeting "the learning needs of all children, youth and adults by 2015".

In this article, we will examine the historical significance of illiteracy in Bahrain and the campaigns that tackled it.

Illiteracy in Bahrain:

In the first half of the 20th century, a majority of the population was illiterate. The 1971 census showed 52.9% of Bahrainis were illiterate. Following a series of campaigns, the 1981 census showed that 31.3% of the Bahraini population (238,000) could neither read nor write. One-sixth of foreigners (20,000 of 112,000) were illiterate (this was believed to be due to the influx of labourers). According to the census, the greatest percentage of illiteracy was seen in the 40-65 age range (in excess of 60%). In all age groups, more women will illiterate than their male counterparts.

Taken under fair use from Shirwai, May Al-Arrayed 1987

Despite 25% of the population being enrolled in public schools (Qur'an schools were the only other education institutions prior to them), the growth of illiteracy continued. This could be partially explained by the fact that, until 1972, all public schools were located in urban towns and cities, and none in the rural villages. State education was also free but was not compulsory at the time. Additionally, the prevailing cultural perception towards women education appears to have discouraged school-age girls from entering the educational system. The vast majority of these girls came from low-income families, and according to Shirawi 1987, reasons cited by parents included the fact that "girls learn all they need from their mothers", "girls needing more protection from boys and thus being kept home", "girls may learn new ideas that their parents may disapprove of" and that "it is expensive to send [all] children to school so it is better to just send boys".

As a result of such perceptions, an inequality evolved. In the 1981 census for example, just 3% of Bahraini males aged 10-19 were illiterate compared to 13% of girls in the same age group. Age was also a factor; the older a person was, the greater the likelihood of illiteracy. The same census showed that 82.7% of Bahraini nationals aged 50 and above were illiterate. Interestingly, the census showed that Bahrainis living in urban areas were more likely to be illiterate compared to their rural counterparts. This is believed to be due to the fact that the overwhelming majority of Bahrainis (80.4%) live in urban areas.

The Anti-Illiteracy Campaign:

Bahrainis reading. Photo credit: Ministry of Education Bahrain

The earliest recorded instance of an anti-illiteracy campaign was in 1940, when members of an unnamed influential national club opened several evening classes in Manama for the illiterate, particularly targeting the elderly. What is noteworthy about this attempt is that it was entirely driven by the people (and not by governmental bodies) and was brought about by foreign-educated Bahraini students.

 In 1948, a group of Bahraini students from the American University of Beirut (in their summer holidays, no doubt) provided free Arabic and basic arithmetic classes in Muharraq, an estimated 700 elderly Bahrainis were said to have attended. Further such attempts by national clubs and collaborations by the Education Ministry continued in 1952 and again in 1960. However, all these campaigns were exclusively for men.

The first campaign that tackled female illiteracy was in 1960 when members of the 'Nadhat-al-Fatat' group voluntarily opened classes offering lessons in basic reading and writing to women, especially the elderly. However, it is worth noting that all these campaigns were individual in origin. There was no general coordination between different organisations (aside from the Ministry of Education). No such formal coordination actually existed until 1971 when elected representatives of men and women societies, under the guise of the Alumni Club, setup a committee to tackle illiteracy. With the financial backing of the Education Ministry for books and other resources, eight classes were opened for 280 women and five were opened for 125 men in the same year. Challenges faced included slow reactions from the private sector and the inaccessibility of illiterates in rural locations.

Photo credit: Ministry of Education, Bahrain

In 1973, the Education Ministry took charge of the anti-illiteracy campaign, launching more than 70 Arabic-language teaching centres and 12 English-language teaching centres across the country. This scheme was the result of a series of recommendations given by invited UNESCO experts who conducted a study in the country in 1971. The recommendations outlined a five-year plan to eradicate illiteracy by creating 100 classes per year for 5 years for male and female illiterates. The plan also made education mandatory for illiterates between 10-44 years of age.

Other measures included the establishment of a national literary committee to oversee the campaign, the establishment of educational centres in all major settlements, the training of a competent teacher population, and enlisting the aid of religious leaders and mass media, Exact details of the programme can be found in pages 328-329 of Shirawi, 1987.

The campaign was largely successful. The only drawbacks faced were the high dropout rates amongst female students. Reasons varied from domestic responsibilities, pregnancy and childbirth to a simple case of lost interest.

As a result of compulsory education, state-funded public education and an array of private schools, the current literacy rate of Bahrain stands at 94.6%

References:
Shirawi, May Al-Arrayed (1987). Education in Bahrain - 1919-1986, An Analytical Study of Problems and Progress. Durham University.

A Prelude to the French Occupation of Tunisia

Tunisia entered the 19th century under the reign of Hammouda ibn Ali, the Bey of Tunis, as a minor Mediterranean power thanks to trade and extortion of European states through piracy (see the Barbary States), enjoying its quasi-independent autonomy from the Ottoman Porte in Constantinople. By the end of the 19th century, Tunisia fell in debt, the French achieved total economic control, the Bey signed a treaty with the French, stripping its sovereignty and placing the country under French protection whilst installing an appointed Resident-General from Paris to "advise" the Bey ( effectively a nominal ruler) and to oversee the country.

In this article, we shall delve into the details and events leading up to (and not after) the Treaty of Bardo, which solidified French control over the country.

The Treaty of Bardo

The French Maghreb:

Historically, Tunisia had ancient links with the European mainland. After all, the extinct Carthaginian civilisation originated here and along with it the Punic Wars with Rome. Just as those wars of ages past were about control over the Mediterranean, the story with Tunisia is remarkably familiar.

The French merchants of Marseille regularly traded goods to and from Tunisia, and it is no surprise the French made their first permanent presence in Tunis by establishing a consulate in 1577. During the height of the Age of Imperialism in the 18th century, the traditional influence of the French in Tunis was contested by the English, the Ottomans and the Italians. The French sought to assert their control through a series of concessional treaties, the most notable of which was signed in 1802 where the Bey formally acknowledged (to Napoleon) France's privileged position.

As France's economic power began to grew, the Bey's powers began to wane. His Turkish army corps had rebelled twice in 1811 and 1816, his naval forces suffered disastrously in 1827 after participating in the Battle of Navarino alongside the Ottomans (which he was obliged to do) during the Greek War of Independence. Outbreaks of plague in 1825 further weakened the Bey's economic capabilities. Weakened, the Bey had to sign a capitulation treaty in 1829 that allowed French citizens to only be tried by the French consul in Tunis.

Tunisia (dark blue) with the rest of French Africa (light blue)

French influence and power in the region grew greater after the 1830 invasion of Algeria. The French had numerous reasons to invade this autonomous province of the Ottoman Empire; raw materials, trading, establishment of settler colonies (but this is a topic for a different article). It is worth noting that the colonial policy to Algeria was greatly different than that of Tunisia. While Tunisia was to be a protectorate, Algeria was not to be a simple colony. It was a settler colony that officially became a part of France in 1848, where Republican workers and the unemployed from France would be shipped across the sea to their new homes, most of which were lands deprived from native Algerians.

The political fallout from the invasion of Algeria reached every capital throughout Europe. In Constantinople, the loss of Algiers was a blow to the already-declining Ottoman Empire. To the Germans, British and Italians, the French presence in Algeria presented a threat to their own imperial ambitions in the African continent and the Mediterranean and immediately began to seek ways to compensate (my previous post dealt with what the Italians did).

Within a month of the invasion, the Tunisians signed yet another treaty with the French, which opened the Tunisian market to French-manufactured goods, which undermined the country's traditional artisans and raised prices of local goods. The treaty also allowed European consuls to judge cases involving European citizens. As a result, European consuls were able to interfere in Tunisian domestic affairs.

Beys, Debts And A Constitution:

Ahmed Bey ruled Tunisia from 1837 to 1855 and it was under his rule that the beginning of the end had begun. When the benevolent Bey came to power, Tunisia's sovereignty was not only the target of French ambitions but of a newly-reinvigorated Ottoman Empire, eager to spread the Tanzimat (administrative restructuring and reform) that would strengthen the Sultan's control in the face of growing European powers. However, these reforms directly threatened the Bey's independence. The French, seeking to take advantage of the situation, offered to protect Tunisia from Ottoman and other European encroachment. Ahmed Bey declined, knowing what France's true intentions are.

Ahmed Bey

Ahmed Bey began a reform program of his own, which sought to expand and modernise the Tunisian professional army. By 1847, Ahmed Bey's army boasted 26,000 men. Under Ahmed Bey (and pressure from the British consulate), slavery was abolished and tax farms were created in the countryside to provide revenue for the state. While this new army was loyal to Tunis and not Constantinople, it did little to prevent the country's decline. Encouraged by a corrupt Mustafa Khaznader (Ahmed Bey's finance minister), Ahmed Bey embarked on a costly administrative and building program that plunged the country into debt. As a result of corrupt tax collectors, drought, cholera and plague outbreaks, agricultural and tax revenues declined heavily. Ahmed Bey had to personally finance the equipment and transport of 4000 soldiers to serve in the Crimean War for the Ottomans.

Mohammed Bey, Ahmed's successor, was more terrible. He overturned the abolition of slavery and administered his own arbitrary system of justice that was unfavourable to non-Tunisians, to the anger and frustration of European consuls. Concerned about the security and investment of their citizens, the British and French consuls pressured Mohammed Bey to accept reforms that provided greater security for foreigners. Adopted in September 1857, the Security Pact established legal equality between Tunisians and non-Tunisians, and gave Europeans the right to acquire property. These new freedoms, especially the new right to acquire property, made it easier for European interests to acquire a greater hold of the Tunisian economy.

This sparked calls by Tunisian intellectuals for the establishment of 'dustur' (دستور) or constitution which sought to create an institutionalised check on the Bey's power. Written in 1860, this was the Arab World's first constitution. In it, it confirmed the Bey as the hereditary head of state, it called for the establishment of a 60-member Supreme Council with substantial power that controls taxation and expenditure, whilst also having the ability to dismiss ministers.

The constitution only lasted for 4 years. The French and other European consuls did not like how it complicated their relationships with the Bey nor were they fond of the idea that their nationals would be subject to Tunisian law, which they argued violated previous treaties signed in the past. A flaw with the Supreme Council was that its members were directly appointed by the Bey himself. As a result, it did not live up to the expectations of Tunisian intellectuals. In 1864, the constitution was suspended and poll taxes were doubled to help pay the country's mounting debt. In response, Berber tribes and towns in the country's interior revolted. In 1866, the Tunisian government appealed to the Rothschild Banking House for 115 million francs to pay off the country's foreign debt. They refused.

Debts! Damn Debts And Conspiracies:

Poster inviting French people to immigrate to Tunisia (1890)

Tunisia's economic woes posed a conundrum to the European powers. On the one hand, France, Italy and Britain shared a common concern for their investments in the country (France particularly heavily invested in railroads, ports, mines and agriculture). Collapse of the Tunisian government and civil unrest was in none of their interests.

To avert the crisis, the International Financial Commission was established in 1869 to oversee Tunisia's budget. The Commission effectively controlled all state expenditure and organised the repayment of debts. On the other hand, the European powers distrusted each other; though France had the most economic presence in Tunisia, the Italians had the largest population residing there. The British primarily focused their attention on Egypt. Tunisia was seen by Paris as an important buffer between the East and Algeria, and its status needed to be determined decisively.

At the Congress of Berlin in 1878, Britain, France and Germany tried to reach an agreement. The German representative, the influential Otto von Bismarck suggested that France's interest in Tunisia should be recognised by both Germany and Britain. They pledged not to intervene in the event of a French claim or occupation of Tunisia. In return, Britain expected that the French would recognise Cyprus as British territory in the Eastern Mediterranean. Bismarck anticipated French resources and attention to be diverted to Africa, away from Europe. Once all this was agreed, they followed common diplomatic protocol and kept it a secret from the Ottomans, because this was basically the equivalent of carving up their empire.

Congress of Berlin, 1878

The French were wary of intervening in another North African state. The previous invasion of Algeria in 1830 resulted in successive rebellions that took four decades to quell, the last of which occurred seven years before the Congress of Berlin in 1878. The French primarily wanted Tunisia to serve as a buffer between French Algeria and Italian Cyrenaica (Libya). So as long as no trouble was caused in Algeria from Tunisia, Paris did not want to risk another costly military campaign and occupation.

By 1880, France controlled the railway and telegraph lines of Tunisia, established a low-interest bank to aid and encourage the growth of French agriculture and industry, invested in a new port in Tunis and in several mines in the countryside. With such heavy investments, it became impossible for the French not to be involved in domestic Tunisian economic and political issues. In the meantime, smuggling and drought made the International Financial Commission's job of paying government bonds harder. The French began to realise that protecting French investments would require more direct involvement.

In 1880, the French consul in Tunis, Adolphe-Francois de Botmilau commented:

"A last attempt is made in this moment to save this country by the financial commission. If it fails, we would have to be forcibly called upon to occupy Tunisia and this will be a troublesome extremity for us"

Page 1 of the Treaty of Bardo

Ignoring the economic aspect, the Italians were another problem. Despite the large Italian population in Tunisia and their contribution to the country, Italy was excluded from the Congress of Berlin. Italian attempts at obtaining land, such as the purchase of railway lines, caused out-roar amongst French colonialists.

But it was neither colonial nor economic hardship that eventually provoked a French occupation of Tunisia. According to the official narration, Khroumour tribesmen from Tunisia engaged in cross-border raids into French Algeria in March 1881. They were repelled by a joint Algerian-French force and felt that they had to cross into Tunisia.

Using this as an excuse, the French army of 36,000-strong occupied Bizerte, and soon turned south towards Tunis. Britain and Germany stood-by, as previously agreed in Berlin.. On 12 May 1881, the Bey signed the Treaty of Bardo, which gave France substantial control over Tunisia and placing the country under French protection where it remained until it achieved independence in 1956..

References:

• Christopher Alexander (2010). Tunisia: Stability and Reform in the Modern Maghreb. London: Routledge . p13-21.
• Assa Okoth (2006). A History of Africa: African societies and the establishment of colonial rule, 1800-1915. East African Publishers. p297-302
• Roslind Varghese Brown, Michael Spilling (2008). Tunisia. Marshall Cavendish. p21-36

Rome's Forgotten Expedition: Arabia Felix

The Roman Empire, at its peak

The Romans were arguably history's greatest war machine. Conquering the Italian peninsula from the Latin League whilst being politically and militarily outnumbered, subduing the relentless Gauls of modern-day France, wiping out the Carthaginian civilisation and bringing an end to the Seleucid Empire. The year is 25 BC, Rome's empire stretches from the Iberian peninsula to Egypt. But this was during the time of Octavian, founder of the Roman empire and he wanted to expand his newly-created empire. It should be no surprise that he referred to himself as Imperator Caesar Divi Filius Augustus, Imperator meaning 'Emperor' which is where the term originates from. Seeking to expand his empire, Augustus set his sights on Arabia Felix, in modern-day Yemen.
 

Arabia Felix, on a map by Ptolemy.

Of all places, why Arabia Felix? Why conquer a land in a seemingly hot desert region at the world's end? To understand, it is necessary to look at the situation from the Roman perspective. The Latin phrase 'Arabia Felix' literally translates into 'Happy Arabia' but is meant to imply 'Blessed Arabia' (Romans and their Latin, eh?). Many geographers and historians in antiquity referred to Arabia Felix as being extremely wealthy, owing to its strategic position in the incense trade. 

The legendary riches of the Nabataeans (those who lived beyond south of the Roman province of Syria) and Sabaeans (the inhabitants of Yemen) had captured Roman imaginations for centuries. Gold, silver, perfume, incense; control over these goods would provide a solid supply of income for the Roman coffers. The illusion of legendary Nabataean riches caught the attention of the likes of Antigonus the One Eyed of Macedon, the Roman general Pompey amongst others.

Augustus had other reasons for choosing Arabia Felix over the other regions in the Middle East. Persia's riches were guarded by the Parthian empire whereas mainland Arabia had no empire to guard its riches. Augustus brushed aside the minor Arabian kingdoms in the south and ordered Aeilius Gallus, the governor of Roman Egypt, to lead an expedition along the Red Sea coast of Arabia (and Ethiopia) with the purpose of conquests. The Nabataeans encouraged the Romans, promising to cooperate and provide assistance against the Sabaeans, their motives hidden.

The incense trade route (From Ancient Cultures.net)

The expedition was doomed to fail before it even began. Poor leadership, poor planning and a poor choice of guides were to blame. The expedition landed on the Arabian side of the Red Sea, with one source stating they landed near Aynunah on the north side. Other sources state they landed in the Nabataean port of Leuce-Come. The sea journey was disastrous; the vast majority of the boats and crew were lost to rocky shores, improper storage of provisions and scurvy. The expedition's strength was depleted to the extent that the Romans had to camp the winter to regain their strength.

10,000 men were drafted from Egypt's garrison for the expedition, accompanied by an auxiliary force of 500 Judaeans and 1,000 Nabataeans under their own commander and influential minister, Syllaios. Unfortunately for the Romans, Syllaios was their guide. The Romans relied heavily on Syllaios; not only did the Romans venture into uncharted and foreign territory, Syllaios was their only guide who knew where the roads were and the watering holes as well. He was also the Romans' negotiator with local tribes, to gain provisions from them. 

But Syllaios had an agenda. Under orders from the Nabataean king Obodas III, Syllaios deliberately misled the expedition. The Nabataeans wished to safeguard Arabia's lucrative trade routes for themselves and they saw sabotaging Aeilius Gallus' expedition as the perfect way to expand their own influence in Arabia and to weaken the Roman hold on Egypt. Syllaios deliberately led the expedition in circuitous routes, avoiding wells and provisions, hoping that hunger and disease would destroy the Romans. Though it had some effect, the expedition carried on and soon, the Romans encountered the defenseless Minnaean city of Negrana (present-day Najran) and swiftly occupied it. It had taken six months but the expedition finally arrived in Arabia Felix.

Map of the doomed Roman expedition. Copyright of Warwick Ball

The South Arabians amassed an army to counter the Roman invaders. Despite disease, hunger and treachery, superior Roman military discipline led to minimal losses against the Arabians. The expedition carried onwards to occupy Yathil (modern day Baraqish) and planned to march onto the legendary Kingdom of Sheba's capital, Marib.

 Marib was a fortress like no other, the Sabaeans of South Arabia were masters of stone masonry, second to none. Limestone ramparts and 6-metre thick walls covered the city, providing a formidable obstacle to Roman siege tactics. 

The Romans besieged the city but only for six days, citing the lack of water. Marib had an oasis, a potentially endless source of water. The Romans, heavily demoralised with illnesses and scarcity of supplies as well as the intense heat, called off their expedition. Aelius Gallus conceded defeat. Having finally realised Syllaios' treachery, Gallus sought new guides. Within two months, the shattered remnants of the expedition returned to Alexandria. Gallus had stated that, of the dead, only seven of his men died to enemy combat, the rest were thought to have perished due to disease. The Romans made no further attempts to conquer territory in the Arabian peninsula.

Epilogue

Syllaios didn't keep a low profile. His actions led him up the hierarchical line in Nabataean society and became a key adviser to the king. He would later act as Nabataea's ambassador to Judaea (where he had a rather heavily-publicized affair with Herod's sister) and the Romans until his death in 9 BC.

The traditional idea that Syllaios is to blame for the failure of the expedition is owed to the fact that Strabo, the Greek geographer, was a personal friend of Aelius Gallus and was unwilling to blame the expedition's failure on his friend. He turned to the foreigner, Syllaios, as a scapegoat. He criticised Syllaios for the routes he had chosen and blamed him for the failure of the expedition. Though Strabo had no evidence aside from his own words, later Nabataean history reveals that Syllaios was unscrupulously ambitious and cruel, Strabos must have known this of him and conveniently put the blame on him but aside from Stabos' words, there is no evidence to suggest that Syllaios caused the expedition to fail. Even without treachery, an expedition into a desert would have been extremely difficult and losses had to be expected. The harshness of the terrain, the inexperience of the Romans in deserts, the over-extension of communications and supply lines, the expedition was destined to fail, even with the world's best guides at its helm. 

References:

• Sarte, Maurice The Middle East Under Rome, pages 66-67
• Bowman, Alan The Cambridge Ancient History, Volume 10, page 149
• Bowersock, Glen Roman Arabia, pages 47-48
• Ball, Warwick Rome in the East, The Transformation of an Empire, pages 110-113

The World's First Airstrike

Gavotti aboard Farman biplane, Rome 1910

In April 2011, Italy had announced it would join NATO's air attacks in Libya, then in the middle of its civil war. It would later prove a classical case of history repeating itself.

A century ago, in September 1911, the Italian armed forces invaded Ottoman-held Libya with the intent of establishing an Italian colonial empire, something that Italy lacked whilst its French and German neighbors prided upon. This led to the Italo-Turkish war which dragged on until October 1912, with the Italians winning control of Libya, having subdued Turkish and Libyan resistance.

Insignificant as this war may seem to us, the Italian Turkish war saw numerous technological advancements deployed in battle. One of them, most notable, being aeroplanes.

This brings us to the story of a young Italian aviator, lieutenant Giulio Gavotti, who was deployed to Libya to oversee the transport of aeroplanes. But within a few months, Gavotti had done what no man had done before in warfare. Gavotti was the world's first air-bomber, only eight years after the monumental flight of the Wright Brothers at Kitty Hawk, North Carolina.

On the first of November 1911, Gavotti boarded his Etrich Taube aeroplane and took with him four grenades, weighing a kilo and a half each. Gavotti took off and headed for Ain Zara. It is now a town just east of Tripoli, but at the time he described it as a small oasis. There he would have expected to find Arab fighters and Turkish troops that were allied in the fight against the Italian invasion.

The type of plane used in the airstrike, the Etrich Taube

Flying at an altitude of 600 feet, Gavotti screwed in the detonators and tossed each grenade over the side of the plane. Whilst unknown, Gavotti's mission is believed to have been a failure, having failed to cause any reported casualties.

Back home in Italy, the Italian press was ecstatic, with many newspapers reporting the exploit in high regards, to strengthen support for the war at home. Gavotti had shown it was possible to use aeroplanes to aid warfare (a contrast to the Wright Brothers' opinion that aeroplanes were "tools of peace".) and may have inadvertedly paved the way for the horrors of Dresden, Hiroshima and countless others to occur.

Zepplin bombing, during the Italian Turkish War, 1911.

Trivia:

Future dictator of Italy, Benito Mussolini (then a left-wing socialist), was vehemently opposed to the Italian-Turkish War.

 Update: The BBC provides an excellent article on the attack, with the usage of primary sources from Gavotti himself.

Matam al Ajam al Kabeer - A short history

 Since it is the month of Muharram over here in Bahrain, the processions of Muharram are ongoing. For those who are not aware, Muharram is a month of mourning for Muslims of the Shia sect, and commemorates the death of Imam Hussain.

These processions have quite a history in Bahrain, occurring annually for the past centuries. These processions are organised by matams (or husseinya, as they are sometimes called), which are congregation halls. At least one matam exists in each village in the country, and these matams are numerous, especially in the old districts of Manama. The primary focus of this post is on a particular matam; Matam Al Ajam al-Kabeer.

(I wrote this part on Wikipedia already)

 The Matam:

Matam Al-Ajam Al-Kabeer (Arabic:مأتم العجم الكبير) is the first Ajam (who are Persians in Bahrain) matam in Bahrain. The matam was founded in the Fareej el-Makharqa by Abdul Nabi Al Kazerooni, a rich Persian merchant. Himself an immigrant from the Dashti region of Iran, he organised processions, collected donations and hired orators (Arabic: خطيب‎) to speak at the matam.

Construction started in 1882 as a specialized building where Ashura, a holy day in Shia Islam, would be marked with processions, ceremonial flagellation and passion plays commemorating the death of Imam Hussain.

Exterior of the matam

The matam is still used for this purpose.  It was originally built with simple construction material such as palm tree trunks and leaf stalks. The matam was formally established in 1904 where it was decided that the matam would be renovated with rocks, clay and cement. Initially in the 1890s, the matam was primarily supported by Persian merchants, with two-thirds of the donation coming from the Bushehri and Safar family, respectively.

 For much of the 20th century, the matam had relied on yearly donations of money and land from rich and poor members of the Persian community and from waqf revenue.The matam also had an emergency relief fund that was to be distributed to the poor and to needy individuals; the matam provided financial aid and shelter to people following the collapse of the pearling market in the 1930s.

Upon the death of Abdul Nabi Al Kazerooni in 1927, Abdul Nabi Bushehri, himself a Persian immigrant from Bushehr and a well-respected figure in the Persian community, took control of the matam. Unlike Kazerooni, Bushehri ran the matam with other notables of the Persian community, forming a de facto board.

Upon Bushehri's death in 1945, the board took over. In order to prevent confusion, the board appointed Hasan Baljik, himself a member, as the budget and procession organiser. In 1971, an administrative board consisting of a president, vice president, secretary, treasurer and others was set up, all of whom were rich merchants. By 1952, the matam was supported by the rent of 3 houses, 6 shops and a hawla.

The interior of Matam al Ajam al Kabeer, in 2008

For further reading, I strongly recommend reading Mapping the Transnational Community: Persians and the Space of the City in Bahrain, c. 1869-1937, by Nelida Fuccaro. It provides an excellent overview and is one of the scarce resources available on this topic. And Khuri's Tribe and State in Bahrain.

A Brief History of the Great Syrian Revolt (1925-1927)

Foreword: This is just a brief outline of the Great Syrian Revolt (sometimes termed as The Great Druze Revolt) so there are bound to be stuff missing, since this is a summary!

Military band marking the proclamation of Faisal as the King of Syria

As you might already know, after the First World War, the Ottoman Empire was divided between France and the United Kingdom. UK got Iraq, Jordan and the Palestine region while France got the Levantine region, consisting of Lebanon and Syria.

So why the revolt?

Now, the problem was that the Arabs fought on the British side during The Great War and wanted to establish their own state in the region of Syria (and beyond). So, in March 1920 (under King Faisal of the Hashemites), the Kingdom of Syria was proclaimed. The French were not amused and 4 months later, the Kingdom of Syria fell when the French invaded and occupied Damascus.

The years that followed 1920 were hardly peaceful, bastions of resistance towards the French sprung up across the country but they lacked centrality or unity. It was usually a single ethnic group with limited coordination with other factions. Alawites, Druze, Bedouins, Sunnis all individually attempted to revolt against the French in the following five years after 1920. Though the French had control of the urban areas (with the aid of the social elite) of Damascus, Aleppo and others, very little evidence of a French presence existed in the villages.

Damascus in flames, circa 1925.

In 1925, another open revolt emerged in Syria. What makes this one different from previous attempts was the presence of multiple factions (Alawites, Druze, Sunnis etc.) in a de-facto alliance. I use "de-facto" because, like previous revolts, no centrally-coordination was present.

The revolt was initiated by the Druze leader and Syrian nationalist Sultan al-Atrash issuing a call to arms and resistance against the French. The revolt was successful in its initial stages and lead to the capture of Druze-majority cities in the south of Syria (see here), owing to the minimal presence of French soldiers (there were 14,397 soldiers in Syria in 1925, compared to 70,000 in 1920). The French countered this by deploying thousands of soldiers from its colonies, with weapons superior to those of the Syrian rebels.

Sultan al-Atrash and soldiers at Hauran

The revolt was not put down until the spring of 1927, after the French had retaken all the major cities of Syria. The uprising led to the French government to conclude that direct rule over Syria was too costly, owing to the transport and supply of soldiers. A year after the uprising, France declared an amnesty to the Syrian rebels but proclaimed that Sultan al-Atrash and other leaders of the rebellion would be exiled.

This was not a problem.The French sentenced Sultan al-Atrash and other national leaders to death, but al-Atrash escaped with the rebels to Transjordan and was eventually pardoned. In 1937, after the signing of the Franco-Syrian Treaty, he returned to Syria where he was met with a huge public reception.